1. Introduction: Strategic Framing and the New Geopolitical Reality
Energy policy is no longer merely a matter of economics or environmental protection; it has become the decisive factor in the survival of Europe as a geopolitical power. The events of recent years have served as a brutal wake-up call. They have exposed a painful truth: the European Union’s energy strategy was built on a foundation of wishful thinking rather than physical reality.
We must be unequivocal: Europe’s extreme vulnerability to external energy shocks was not a historical accident. It was the predictable outcome of a structural miscalculation – one driven above all by Germany, and subsequently emulated by other European states.
The phase-out of nuclear power, a stable and domestic source of energy, in favor of growing dependence on Russian gas constituted a historic strategic failure. This choice subordinated geostrategic necessity to domestic anti-nuclear sentiment, with consequences that Europe is now forced to absorb.
The decision to phase out nuclear power – a reliable, domestic source of energy – in favour of a unilateral dependence on Russian gas was a historic strategic error. It bowed to anti-nuclear movements rather than listening to geostrategic necessity.
Today, Europe finds itself squeezed between the aggressive resource dominance of Russia, the state-capitalist might of China, and the protectionist industrial policies of the USA. We cannot compete in this global system if our energy costs remain significantly higher than those of our rivals. AVE Europa posits that the era of ideological energy experiments is over. We require an immediate return to realism. We must position the EU not just as a regulator, but as a powerful, sovereign actor capable of securing its own lifeline.
2. Vision and Political Commitment
AVE Europa stands for a federal Europe that commands respect on the world stage. True sovereignty is impossible without the energy independence to drive vital European industry and innovation. Our vision is a continent that controls its own destiny, where energy is abundant, affordable, and clean.
We deliberately distinguish between “Green Energy” (often an ideological label) and “Clean Energy” (a factual description). Our commitment is to the latter. We support any technology that provides low-carbon electricity efficiently and reliably.
- We reject the politics of decline and industrial exit.
- We affirm our claim to technological leadership.
- We pledge to restore the European nuclear industry to its former position as the global number one.
We view the fight against climate change as a vital priority. However, we believe this battle will be won through European engineering and innovation. A federal Europe must be an energy powerhouse, robust enough to withstand geopolitical storms.
3. Main Structure: Strategic Pillars
I. Pillar One: Capacity, Sovereignty, and the Nuclear Renaissance
Objective: To rebuild our “Base Load” capability and end the dangerous reliance on hostile powers.
1. The Failure of Volatility
We must be honest about the limitations of current renewable technologies. While wind and biomass have a role to play, they have proven insufficient to power a heavy industrial base on their own. They are intermittent and volatile. A modern economy cannot function only when the wind blows or the sun shines. The attempt to bridge this gap with imported gas from Russia has failed. Therefore, we must pivot back to the only proven, scalable, low-carbon technology that operates 24/7: Nuclear Power must be expanded to take up the proportion of total generation roughly represented by today’s fossil fuel, giving us a 50/50 mix of renewable and nuclear.
2. A European Nuclear Alliance
AVE Europa calls for a massive re-industrialisation of the nuclear sector.
- Big State Investment: The energy sector is too critical to fail. Because nuclear power plants require high upfront capital (CAPEX) and have long construction times, the free market alone often hesitates. We need “Big State” backing – guaranteed loans and direct investment – to de-risk these projects.
- Geographical Focus: This is particularly urgent for Central Europe and nations that lack the natural geography for large-scale hydro or wind power. Nuclear is the equalizer that allows these nations to be independent.
- Technology and Patents: We must ensure that the intellectual property remains in Europe. We cannot simply import reactors from South Korea or China. We must develop our own Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) and Generation IV technology here, keeping the patents, the jobs, and the expertise within our borders.
3. Securing the Supply Chain (The “Friend-Shoring” Strategy)
We must not swap a dependence on Russian gas for a dependence on Russian enriched uranium. We need a robust diversification strategy for fuel stocks, such as uranium and LNG, and raw materials for energy technology manufacturing, including lithium and rare earths, focusing strictly on friendly or stable partners:
Uranium:
- Australia: We must prioritise a deep strategic partnership with Australia, which holds approximately 30% of the world’s uranium reserves. They are a democratic ally and a stable partner and help them countering the critical influence of China in that area.
- Africa: We should engage with Namibia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These nations hold vast reserves (estimated at 3 to 4 megatonnes). However, this must be a partnership of equals, ensuring stability and excluding Chinese interference.
- Central Asia: Strengthening ties with Kazakhstan is essential to bypass Russian logistical control. The European “Nuclear Exit” was a disaster; the “Nuclear Return” must be built on secure, diverse supply lines.
- Expand conversion capacity in Europe (Orano and Westinghouse) and in Canada (Cameco), diminishing Russian participation.
Gas/LNG:
- The US took a significant share of the EU’s imports of gas. Instead of trading a dependency for another, we must seek alternative long-term partners such as Norway, North Africa, Azerbaijan and Qatar. We also must increase internal production with fields such as Cronos and Neptune Deep.
Lithium:
- We must facilitate domestic mining operations such as Barroso, and implement clean refining technologies such as Direct Lithium Extraction (DLE) and Geothermal Lithium. Diversification of imports could seek ties to Namibia and backing of the Serbian Jadar project. The EU must help battery producers purchase power to guarantee competitiveness towards American producers.
4. Building Resilient Energy Infrastructure
We must ensure that European energy infrastructure can withstand natural and man-made damage to the infrastructure. It shall be legally required that energy generation and distribution take into account the n-1 principle at all levels to ensure redundancy across the entire network, from generation to end consumer.
5. Digitalisation of the Electricity Network
To ensure an efficient network that can handle distributed electricity generation, the electricity network must be fully digitalised, including smart metres for all consumers.
II. Pillar Two: Market Design, Order, and Competitiveness
Objective: To fix the broken pricing system and ensure long-term investment security.
1. The Structural Debate: Capacity Market vs. Energy-Only
Europe faces a crucial choice on how to organise its electricity market. The “Energy-Only Market” (where you are paid only for the kilowatt-hour you produce) has failed to incentivise long-term security. It discourages investment in backup power.
The Solution: AVE Europa strongly advocates for a Capacity Market.
The Logic: In this system, producers are paid not just for electricity, but for availability, for being ready to produce when the system needs them. This model heavily favours nuclear power, which offers reliable, steady capacity, unlike wind or solar.
2. Role of the Private Sector
While the State must provide the initial “Big Investment” and the regulatory guarantee, the operation and innovation should be driven by European private companies. We want a symbiotic relationship: a clear distinction between distribution and generation is essential for effective market participation. Private generation introduces market efficiency and competition, while a publicly owned grid safeguards reliability and equal access.
III. Pillar Three: Geopolitical Resilience and Protection
Objective: To use energy as a tool of foreign policy and federal defence.
1. Infrastructure as Defence
In a federal Europe, energy infrastructure is national security infrastructure. Pipelines, grids, and maintenance hubs must be protected with the same rigour as military bases. Beyond our shores, Europe’s energy supply lines and energy partners must be secured by European military and diplomatic power. We must be able to maintain our own power plants without relying on foreign technicians. Capabilities for maintenance and repair must be fully domesticated within the EU.
2. Realism in Renewables
We are pro renewables where it makes sense; Solar panels make sense in Spain; they make less sense in Finland. However, we acknowledge that Europe cannot survive on renewables alone. We need a “Baseload First” approach. At the same time, we clearly recognize the rapid technological progress underway – particularly in battery energy storage, where major breakthroughs are expected in the coming years. That said, we are realists: today, tomorrow, and over the next years, Europe cannot rely on renewable energy alone.
3. Countering Global Rivals
A fragmented Europe is weak. Russia plays member states against each other. The USA attracts our companies with low energy prices (the Inflation Reduction Act). China dominates the solar supply chain. Only a Federal Europe can hold its ground. By pooling our resources and creating a single, nuclear-backed energy market, we can create a bloc strong enough to establish a unified energy market to ensure independence and prevent energy blackmail. We must power our industry’s ability to compete directly with the US and Chinese industrial bases without relying on hostile powers. Highly energy intensive industries put an extreme strain on electricity infrastructure, which requires a reliable supply. To achieve this, we need options: multiple pipelines, diverse suppliers, and massive reserves, guaranteeing our autonomy.
4. Operationalisation and Governance
To transform this position into political reality, AVE Europa proposes the following institutional measures:
- Establishment of the EESC (European Energy Security Council): A federal body to coordinate national energy plans of any national decision that threatens the collective security of the Union (e.g., stopping a unilateral phase-out).
- The “Nuclear Sovereign Fund”: A dedicated financial vehicle, backed by the European Investment Bank (EIB), to provide low-interest loans for the construction of new reactors and the upgrading of existing ones.
- Diplomatic Task Force on Resources: A special envoy from the EEAS to finalize Uranium trade deals with strategic international allies within 24 months, ensuring our foreign policy creates forward momentum and deepens mutual trust.
- Market Reform Directive: The European Commission must present a legislative proposal to shift the EU internal energy market towards a Capacity Market model by 2027, ensuring that base-load providers are financially rewarded for the stability they provide.
- Driving European Energy Technology: Include energy technology as a core aspect of European industrial policy, with support to attract, build and grow companies in the space and nurture the required talent.